Midnight Rising: John Brown and the Raid That Sparked the Civil War Hardcover – Bargain Price Read online

  To Nathaniel and Bizu, my in-house insurrectionists

  Sometimes there comes a crack in Time itself.

  Sometimes the earth is torn by something blind.

  STEPHEN VINCENT BENÉT,

  “John Brown’s Body”

  Table of Contents

  Title Page

  Epigraph

  PROLOGUE - October 16, 1859

  PART ONE - The Road to Harpers Ferry

  CHAPTER 1 - School of Adversity

  CHAPTER 2 - I Consecrate My Life

  CHAPTER 3 - A Warlike Spirit

  CHAPTER 4 - First Blood

  CHAPTER 5 - Secret Service

  CHAPTER 6 - This Spark of Fire

  PART TWO - Into Africa

  CHAPTER 7 - My Invisibles

  CHAPTER 8 - Into the Breach

  CHAPTER 9 - I Am Nearly Disposed of Now

  PART THREE - They Will Brown Us All

  CHAPTER 10 - His Despised Poor

  CHAPTER 11 - A Full Fountain of Bedlam

  CHAPTER 12 - So Let It Be Done!

  CHAPTER 13 - Dissevering the Ties That Bind Us

  EPILOGUE - Immortal Raiders

  APPENDIX - The Toll from the Raid on Harpers Ferry

  Author’s Note

  Notes

  Selected Bibliography

  Acknowledgments

  Illustration Credits

  Index

  About the Author

  ALSO BY TONY HORWITZ

  Copyright Page

  PROLOGUE

  October 16, 1859

  “Men, get on your arms,” the Captain said. “We will proceed to the Ferry.”

  It was eight at night, an autumn Sunday, silent and dark in the Maryland hills. A horse-drawn wagon pulled up to the log house and the men loaded it with pikes, tools, torches, and gunpowder. The Captain put on the battered cap he’d worn in Bleeding Kansas. Then he climbed on the wagon and the men marched behind, down a dirt lane, past a snake-rail fence, onto the road to Harpers Ferry.

  There were eighteen men, not counting the Captain. Almost all were in their twenties and had written farewell letters to family and lovers. Five of them were black, including a fugitive slave and a freedman whose wife and children were still in bondage. Two others were the Captain’s sons. All had been formally inducted at the secluded log house as soldiers in the Provisional Army of the United States.

  Their commander was fifty-nine, a sinewy man with gunmetal eyes and a white beard he’d grown to conceal his identity. He was wanted by state and federal authorities; President Buchanan had put a price on his head. While living underground, the Captain had drafted a constitution and a “Declaration of Liberty” for the revolutionary government that tonight’s action would found.

  “‘When in the course of Human events, it becomes necessary’ for an oppressed People to Rise, and assert their Natural Rights,” the declaration began. If the opening sounded familiar, the close was not. “We will obtain these rights or die in the struggle,” the document stated, before concluding: “Hung be the Heavens in Scarlet.”

  The road ran below a mountain ridge, through woods and rolling farmland. The mid-October night was cool and drizzly and dark, perfect weather for a surprise attack. There was no one else abroad and no sound, just the creak of the wagon’s wooden wheels and the clop of hooves. Steam rose from the horse’s flanks; behind the Captain’s wagon the men marched in pairs, solemn and speechless, as if in a funeral cortège. Their orders were to make no noise and to conceal their rifles beneath gray shawls. Anyone they encountered was to be detained.

  After three miles, the road descended steeply to the wide, swift Potomac River. On the far bank glowed the gas lamps of Harpers Ferry, Virginia, a factory town and the gateway to the largest slave state in the country. Two of the men crept ahead; soon they would cut the telegraph lines linking Harpers Ferry to the outside world. Two other men, hard veterans of Kansas, slipped onto the covered bridge over the Potomac and seized the night watchman who trolled back and forth with a lantern.

  The Captain followed in his wagon, leading the others across the bridge. It was an hour before midnight when they emerged on the Virginia shore and entered the business district of Harpers Ferry. The wagon clattered across pavement, past a rail depot, a hotel, saloons, and shops, and up to the front gate of the U.S. armory. Behind its high wrought-iron fence stretched a massive industrial complex where the nation’s newest weapons were manufactured.

  “Open the gate!” one of the men shouted at a night guard within the armory fence. The watchman refused. Two of the men grabbed hold of him through the fence and pressed guns to his chest. Another man forced the gate’s lock with a crowbar. Then the Captain rode into the armory yard and took the watchman prisoner.

  “I came here from Kansas,” he announced to his captive. “This is a slave state. I want to free all the Negroes in this state. I have possession now of the United States armory, and if the citizens interfere with me, I must only burn the town and have blood.”

  ON OCTOBER 16, 2009, I retraced the Captain’s march with other pilgrims who had gathered for the hundred and fiftieth anniversary of John Brown’s famous raid on Harpers Ferry. The night was appropriately cold and wet, and we followed a horse-drawn wagon through a landscape that has changed remarkably little since 1859. Brown’s log hideout in Maryland still stands, as does the armory building in Harpers Ferry that became his headquarters and “fort.” Though we didn’t carry guns or wear nineteenth-century attire, I experienced a little of the time-travel high that Civil War reenactors call a “period rush.”

  But walking in the footsteps of history isn’t the same as being there. I could tread where Brown’s men did, glimpse some of what they saw, but the place I wanted to be was inside their heads. What led them to launch a brazen assault on their own government and countrymen? Why were millions of other Americans willing to kill and die in the civil war that followed? How did one event connect to the other?

  My son’s ninth-grade American history textbook offers little more insight than mine did in the 1970s. Harpers Ferry merits six paragraphs—a speed bump for students racing ahead to Fort Sumter and the Gettysburg Address. Recent history also provides a simplistic guide at best. Viewed through the lens of 9/11, Harpers Ferry seems an al-Qaeda prequel: a long-bearded fundamentalist, consumed by hatred of the U.S. government, launches nineteen men in a suicidal strike on a symbol of American power. A shocked nation plunges into war. We are still grappling with the consequences.

  But John Brown wasn’t a charismatic foreigner crusading from half a world away. He descended from Puritans and Revolutionary soldiers and believed he was fulfilling their struggle for freedom. Nor was he an alienated loner in the mold of recent homegrown terrorists such as Ted Kaczynski and Timothy McVeigh. Brown plotted while raising an enormous family; he also drew support from leading thinkers and activists of his day, including Frederick Douglass, Harriet Tubman, and Henry David Thoreau. The covert group that funneled him money and guns, the so-called Secret Six, was composed of northern magnates and prominent Harvard men, two of them ministers.

  Those who followed Brown into battle represented a cross section of mid-nineteenth-century America. In Kansas and, later, Virginia, he was joined by farm laborers, factory workers, tradesmen, teachers, an immigrant Jewish shopkeeper, a free black schooled at Oberlin, and two young women who acted as lookouts and camouflage at his hideout near Harpers Ferry. These foot soldiers often bristled at his leadership and rejected h
is orthodox Calvinism. Most who went with him to Harpers Ferry regarded themselves as nonbelieving “infidels.”

  Yet follow him they did, swearing allegiance to his revolutionary government and marching into Virginia to found a new order. Within two years, entire armies would cross the Potomac, and this obscured the magnitude of what happened in 1859. The street violence at Harpers Ferry came to seem almost quaint by comparison with the industrial-scale slaughter at Antietam and Gettysburg. In time, the uprising became known as John Brown’s Raid, a minor-sounding affair, like one man’s act of banditry.

  But no one saw it that way at the time. A month after the attack, under the headline “HOW WOULD IT FIGURE IN HISTORY,” a Baltimore newspaper listed the many labels given to the recent violence in Virginia. The most common were “Insurrection,” “Rebellion,” “Uprising,” and “Invasion.” Further down the list appeared “War,” “Treason,” and “Crusade.” There were twenty-six terms in all. “Raid” was not among them.

  THE UNITED STATES IN the late 1850s was a divided but peaceful country, with a standing army of only fifteen thousand men and a booming cotton trade that fed northern mills and accounted for three-quarters of the country’s exports. Acts of political violence were rare. No president had yet been assassinated; the hundred thousand guns at Harpers Ferry were virtually unguarded. And the long-simmering conflict over slavery played out principally in Washington, where Southerners had held sway for most of the nation’s history.

  Though many Americans hated slavery, very few sought its abolition, or expected the institution to disappear anytime soon. “I do not suppose that in the most peaceful way ultimate extinction would occur in less than a hundred years at the least,” Abraham Lincoln said in 1858. He advocated resettling free blacks in Africa and pledged to leave slavery alone in the states where it existed.

  Harpers Ferry helped propel Lincoln into the White House, where he would ultimately fulfill Brown’s mission. The midnight rising in Virginia also embroiled a host of future Confederates. Robert E. Lee and J.E.B. Stuart led troops against Brown; Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson guarded the abolitionist. So did John Wilkes Booth, who loathed Brown but took inspiration from his daring act of violence. Meanwhile, in Congress, Jefferson Davis cited the attack as grounds for Southerners to leave the Union, “even if it rushes us into a sea of blood.” Harpers Ferry wasn’t simply a prelude to secession and civil war. In many respects, it was a dress rehearsal.

  This was true not only for participants but for the millions of Americans who followed the events from afar, through telegraphic dispatches that made Harpers Ferry one of the first breaking news stories in the nation. The debate and division stirred by the crisis unsettled decades of compromise and prevarication. On the subject of John Brown, there was no middle ground. North and South, citizens picked sides and braced for conflict that now seemed inevitable.

  William Lloyd Garrison, America’s leading abolitionist in the decades before the Civil War, had for thirty years waged an often lonely crusade to mobilize the moral force of the nation against slavery. As an ardent pacifist, he condemned Brown’s violent act. But the passions and ruptures laid bare by Harpers Ferry compelled him to reconsider.

  “In firing his gun, he has merely told us what time of day it is,” Garrison said of Brown. “It is high noon, thank God!”

  PART ONE

  The Road to Harpers Ferry

  He was a stone,

  A stone eroded to a cutting edge

  By obstinacy, failure and cold prayers.

  STEPHEN VINCENT BENÉT,

  “John Brown’s Body”

  CHAPTER 1

  School of Adversity

  John Brown was born with the nineteenth century and didn’t launch his attack on Virginia until he was nearly sixty. But almost from birth, he was marked in ways that would set him on the road to rebellion at Harpers Ferry.

  Brown was named for his grandfather, a Connecticut farmer and Revolutionary War officer who marched off to fight the British in 1776. Captain John Brown died of dysentery a few weeks later, in a New York barn, leaving behind a pregnant widow and ten children. One of them was five-year-old Owen, who later wrote: “for want of help we lost our Crops and then our Cattle and so became poor.”

  Owen was forced “to live abroad” with neighbors and nearby relations, and went to work young, farming in summer and making shoes in winter. As a teenager he found religion and met a minister’s daughter, Ruth Mills, pious and frugal like himself. Soon after their marriage, Ruth gave birth to “a very thrifty forward Child,” a son who died before turning two. The Browns moved to a clapboard saltbox in the stony hills of Torrington, Connecticut, and had another son. “In 1800, May 9th John was born,” Owen wrote, “nothing very uncommon.”

  A portrait of Owen Brown in later years depicts a thin-lipped, hawk-beaked man with penetrating eyes: an antique version of his famous son. Owen also bestowed on John his austere Calvinism, a faith ever vigilant against sin and undue attachment to the things of this world. In his late seventies, after rising from childhood penury to become a prosperous landowner and respected civic leader known as Squire Brown, Owen wrote a brief autobiography for his family. It began: “my life has been of but little worth mostly fild up with vanity.”

  John Brown’s birthplace, in Torrington, Connecticut

  JOHN BROWN ALSO WROTE a short autobiography, in his case for a young admirer. Two years before the uprising at Harpers Ferry, while seeking money and guns for his campaign, he dined at the home of George Luther Stearns, a wealthy Massachusetts industrialist. Stearns’s twelve-year-old son, Henry, was inspired by Brown’s antislavery fervor and donated his pocket money (thirty cents) to the cause. In return—and after some prodding from Stearns senior—Brown wrote Henry a long letter describing his own youth in the early 1800s.

  The letter was didactic in tone, doubtless intended to impress Henry’s wealthy father as much as the boy himself. But it was nonetheless a telling account, delivered in the direct, emphatic, and grammatically irregular voice that distinguished so much of Brown’s speech and writing.

  “I cannot tell you of anything in the first Four years of John’s life worth mentioning,” Brown wrote, narrating his story in the third person, “save that at that early age he was tempted by Three large Brass Pins belonging to a girl who lived in the family & stole them. In this he was detected by his Mother; & after having a full day to think of the wrong; received from her a thorough whipping.”

  If Brown’s earliest memory was of sin and chastisement, his next was of dislocation. When he was five, his family moved by oxcart to northeast Ohio. This territory, Connecticut’s “Western Reserve,” was pioneered by New Englanders seeking to extend their godly settlement. “I came with the determination,” Brown’s father wrote, “to build up and be a help in the seport of religion and civil order.” He and his neighbors formed communities centered on Congregational churches and village greens, much like the world they left behind.

  Young John’s experience of Ohio was very different. When he was a boy, he wrote, the Western Reserve seemed a wondrously untamed place, “a wilderness filled with wild beasts, & Indians.” He rambled in the woods, wore buckskins, learned to live rough (a skill that would serve him well in later years), and dressed the hides of deer, raccoons, and wolves. Those first few years in Ohio were the happiest and freest of his life.

  “But about this period he was placed in the School of adversity,” Brown wrote of himself, “the beginning of a severe but much needed course of dicipline.” First, an Indian boy gave him a yellow marble, which he treasured but lost. Then he nursed and tamed a bobtail squirrel and grew to dote on his pet. “This too he lost,” and “for a year or two John was in mourning.” At the age of eight, he suffered a much greater trauma: the death of his mother in childbirth.

  This loss “was complete & permanent,” Brown wrote. Though his father quickly remarried “a very estimable woman,” John “never adopted her in feeling; but continued to p
ine after his own Mother for years.” The early loss of his mother made him shy and awkward around women. It also magnified the influence of his formidable father, who would marry a third time in his sixties and sire sixteen children.

  From an early age, John hewed closely to his father’s example of hard work and strict piety. He was prone to fibbing and “excessively fond of the hardest & roughest kind of plays,” such as wrestling and snowball fights, but gave no sign of rebelliousness. A tall, strong boy, he was educated at a log school and went to work young, “ambitious to perform the full labour of a man.” At twelve, he drove his father’s cattle a hundred miles, on his own, and soon took up Owen’s trade of leather tanning. He also became “a firm believer in the divine authenticity of the Bible,” and briefly studied for the ministry. John “never attempted to dance,” he wrote, never learned any card games, and “grew to a dislike of vain & frivolous conversation & persons.”

  John followed Owen in family matters, too. At twenty, “led by his own inclination & prompted also by his Father,” Brown wrote, “he married a remarkably plain; but industrious & economical girl; of excellent character; earnest piety; & good practical common sense.” Dianthe Lusk was nineteen, the daughter of Brown’s housekeeper. A son was born a year after their marriage—the first of a brood that would grow, like Owen’s, to almost biblical proportions.

  Brown also raised animals, displaying a particular skill and tenderness with sheep. “As soon as circumstances would enable him he began to be a practical Shepherd,” Brown wrote, “it being a calling for which in early life he had a kind of enthusiastic longing.” But here, too, loss haunted him. One of the first creatures he tended, apart from his pet squirrel, was “a little Ewe Lamb which did finely till it was about Two Thirds grown; & then sickened and died. This brought another protracted mourning season.”